Chinese Raise the Stakes in Space

          By Brian Orlotti

Over the past week, several announcements from China have heralded a raising of the stakes in the current international resurgence of space exploration; the successful tests of both a hypersonic space plane and a reusable orbital rocket designed and built by Chinese launch startups and the China National Space Administration’s (CNSA) April 24th announcement of its plans to build a scientific research base on the Moon’s south polar region within the next ten years.

As outlined in the April 26th, 2019 Space News post, "Chinese firms Space Transportation and Linkspace test reusable launcher technologies," the Chinese based  launch firm Space Transportation (a rough translation of its Chinese name: 凌空天行) carried out a test on April 22nd, 2019 in northwest China in cooperation with Xiamen University, launching a 3,700-kilogram  reusable winged suborbital demonstrator named Jiageng-1 which reached a maximum altitude of 26.2 kilometers and a top speed of above 4,300 kilometers per hour.

After the test, the rocket was recovered at a designated landing site. Space Transportation is funded through Chinese based venture capital firm Source Code Capital (源码资本).

The second test was a follow-up of an earlier, March 27th, 2019 low-altitude untethered launch and test landing. On April 19th, 2019, Chinese launch provider Linkspace launched its RLV-T5 tech demonstrator to a height of 40 meters (double that of the first test) and achieved a greater landing accuracy, according to the company.

According to the Space News post:

LinkSpace Aerospace Technology Group was founded in 2014 with the aim of developing a reusable launch vehicle capable of vertical takeoff and vertical landing since its founding in 2014. The company aims for a full test flight of the NewLine-1 orbital launcher in 2021, which will be capable of carrying 200 kilograms to a 500 kilometer sun-synchronous orbit (SSO).

As outlined in the post, a large number of number of NewSpace focused companies have emerged in China "following a 2014 policy decision to open the launch and small satellite sectors to private capital. Approved firms have also received support through a civil-military integration national strategy, which facilitates the transfer of restricted technologies in order to promote innovation in dual-use technology and reduce costs."

As well, on April 24th, China’s Space Day, CNSA chief Zhang Kejian announced China’s intent to build a scientific research base in the Moon’s south polar region in about ten years. The announcement was made at the Space Day opening ceremony in Changsha, capital of China's Hunan Province. Kejian also discussed the Chang'e-5 lunar sample return mission to launch in late 2019 as well as China’s yet-to-be-named first Mars mission to launch in 2020.

China’s latest announcements and their effect on the policy of the US and other spacefaring nations remains to be seen. Earlier this year, limited cooperation between the CNSA and NASA during the Chang’e-4 lunar landing opened the door to possible Chinese/US collaboration in exploring and settling the moon. In the context of the current US/China trade war, such actions could be a ‘keep your friends close and your enemies closer’ strategy on the US’ part.

However, given the Western world’s current social and economic problems and the chaotic tendencies of the US’ Donald Trump administration, the boots on the lunar ground may, at least initially, be only those of the CNSA and SpaceX, Blue Origin, Moon Express and other private space firms. A Trump defeat in the 2020 US elections could signal yet another abrupt shift in policy.

The next few decades in space look to be anything but boring.

Brian Orlotti.

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Brian Orlotti is a network operator at the Ontario Research and Innovation Optical Network (ORION), a not-for-profit network service provider to the education and research sectors.

Chinese and US Space Rapprochement

          By Brian Orlotti

The US National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA) has announced that it is collaborating with China’s national space agency on lunar landing research. The announcement, coming at a time of increased tension between the superpowers (and increased tensions between Canada and China), is a hopeful sign of rapprochement and a break from past policy.

As outlined in the January 18th, 2019 CTV News post, "NASA and China collaborate on Moon exploration," NASA has held discussions with the China National Space Administration (CNSA) on the possibility of having its Lunar Reconnaissance Orbiter (LRO) spacecraft observe the landing plume of China’s Chang’e 4 lunar lander on January 31st, 2019.

Also discussed was a proposal for NASA access to Chang’e’4’s orbiter imagery and the placing of a radio beacon on Chang’e 4 to aid future US lunar surface missions by public and private entities. The discussions followed on an exchange earlier this month that saw NASA share location data on the LRO and CNSA sharing the landing time and location of Chang’e’4.

The collaboration requires NASA to observe a strict US legal framework intended to prevent the transfer of US technology to China.

China’s Chang’e 4 mission made an historic landing on the far side of the Moon on January 3rd; the first nation to do so. Chang’e 4 has three components; a communication relay satellite named Queqiao, the Chang’e 4 lander and a rover named Yutu 2. Its mission is to explore the impact crater known as the Aitken Basin, analyzing lunar rocks and soils, measuring surface temperature, performing radio-astronomy, studying cosmic rays and observing the Sun’s corona.

In another lunar first, Chang’e 4 also performed biological experiments; these resulted in the successful sprouting of cottonseed, rapeseed and potato seeds. Chang’e 4’s science payloads were partly supplied by various international partners, including Sweden, Germany, the Netherlands, and Saudi Arabia.

As China continues its ascension and US government and industry make their own preparations for a return to the Moon, these cooperative efforts represent a new pragmatism. After years of being excluded from international space projects, China can no longer be ignored.

As the deterioration of the Russian space program continues, a pooling of US and Chinese resources becomes more logical. In the long run, an extended multinational push into space will require cooperation and coordination between all parties to maximize the chances of survival and success.

Despite current superpower jousting, such gestures show a willingness to work toward greater goals. In our current troubled times, this is welcome news indeed.

Brian Orlotti.

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Brian Orlotti is a network operator at the Ontario Research and Innovation Optical Network (ORION), a not-for-profit network service provider to the education and research sectors.

Liberals Waive Review of Chinese Norsat Purchase, but also Pledge Billions in Defence Spending & Revise Satellite Licencing Regs

          By Henry Stewart

When the major domestic stories for the week all revolve around the aerospace industry, it's a reminder of how important our aerospace and space based infrastructure has become for communications and national defence.

With that in mind, and for the week of June 5th, 2017, here are a few of the stories we're currently tracking in the Commercial Space blog:

Industry Minister of Tony Clement (left) along with Norsat CEO Dr. Amiee Chan (centre) at Norsat International HQ in January 2009. As outlined in the January 15th, 2009 Government of Canada press release, "Minister of Industry Invests in Innovative Research and Development Projects for Emergency Services," Clement visited to announce "a repayable investment in Norsat International Inc. (Norsat) to research and develop the next generation of portable ground satellite telecommunications technologies." More recently, and as outlined in the March 14th, 2017 Norsat press release, "Norsat Exhibits at Satellite 2017 Show in Washington, D.C.," the company had launched a series of new Ka-band BUC and LNB solutions. Photo c/o www.ic.gc.ca.

• The Federal government has decided "after a preliminary security screening" that further examination of the proposed sale of Vancouver, BC based Norsat International Inc. to Shenzhen, China based Hytera Communications is not required and the sale will be allowed to proceed.

As outlined in the June 8th, 2017 Globe and Mail article, "Liberals waive security review for Chinese takeover of high-tech firm," the Trudeau government "is allowing Chinese investors to buy a Vancouver high-tech firm without a formal national security review even though Canada and many of its allies use the company’s patented satellite communications technology for security, public safety and defence."

The article quoted several independent authorities, including Richard Fadden, the former Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS) and University of British Columbia professor Michael Byers, as expressing surprise that no formal review was held.

Norsat CEO Chan. Photo c/o C. Carracedo.

The Norsat position, as outlined in the June 2nd, 2017 Norsat press release, "Norsat Announces Investment Canada Notice Regarding Proposed Acquisition by Hytera Communications Co., Ltd.," is that the current level of Federal due diligence "satisfies the Investment Canada Act condition for closing of the acquisition of Norsat by Hytera."

The press release also quoted Fabio Doninelli, a Norsat director and the chairman of the board as stating that, "the review of the proposed transaction under the Act has been extensive and we are very pleased that the notice received has removed a significant pre-condition to closing of the transaction."

This latest Federal government decision is a reminder that the governing Liberal party is far less reticent about the ownership of Canadian high-tech space companies than the previous Conservative government. 

This was recently demonstrated to the space industry as per the January 24th, 2016 post, "Did the Government Let COM DEV Go Because They Have Bigger Fish to Fry?" which discussed the 2016 purchase of Cambridge, Ontario based Com Dev International by American defence giant Honeywell International and re-enforced by the Federal government decision to ignore the changing structure of Richmond, BC based Macdonald Dettwiler (MDA) as it attempts to gain access to US military contracts.

For more on the hoops MDA is currently jumping through, check out the October 7th, 2016 post, "Iconic MacDonald Dettwiler is Now SSL MDA Holdings, a US Based Company with a Canadian Subsidiary," and it's follow-up, the February 27th, 2017 post, "MacDonald Dettwiler & DigitalGlobe, the Worldview Legion Constellation, Canada's RADARSATs & America's 'Deep State'."

As for Norsat, the company currently boasts various western civilian and military clients including the US Department of Defence, Boeing, CBC News, Reuters, NAV Canada and the Canadian Coast Guard. 

The Hytera acquisition is expected to close in the third quarter of 2017.

Defence Minister Harjit Sajjan announcing a new defence policy for Canada on June 7th, 2017. For the full text of the ministers speech, check out the June 7th, 2017 Macleans post, "Harjit Sajjan announces a new defence policy: Full speech." Photo c/o  Macleans.

• On the other hand, what's the loss of one smallish but innovative company, when compared to the opportunity to bid on up to $62Bln CDN worth of defence contracts, especially if there is a strong focus on new technology including:

• Eighty-eight new advanced fighters. 

• New "next generation" multi-mission aircraft (replacements for the Canadian Forces Lockheed CP-140 Aurora). 

• New air-to-air tanker-transports and new ships to replace the current "Halifax" class frigates.

• And even a replacement of the current RADARSAT remote sensing observation system along with the acquisition of other space-based capabilities, including global satellite communications, surveillance of space, and other intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance contracts, at least if the June 7th, 2017 Aerospace Industry Association of Canada (AIAC) press release, "New defence policy supports Canadian aerospace innovation, industrial capability," is any indication.

But as outlined in the June 7th, 2017 Globe and Mail post, "Ottawa lays out $62-billion in new military spending over 20 years," the new plan, while expected to boost military spending by more than $30Bln CDN over the next decade (most of which will pay for the ballooning cost of new warships and fighter jets) will also push out the bulk of the new expenditures until after the next Federal election.

This delay places the new policy firmly in the same category as the 2008 Conservative government's Canada First Defence policy, which promised many of the same things, but was never implemented when the funding, also promised for "after the next election," never materialized.

It's a shame. The concept of the Canadian government actually paying for its own defence is the sort of thing which might even give the crazy people currently running Washington a slight pause. 

For more on Canada's new defence policy, check out the June 7th, 2017 National Defence press release, "Canada Unveils New Defence Policy," the new DND website on Canada's Defence Policy under the title, "Strong, Secure, Engaged: Canada’s Defence Policy," and its accompanying PDF report, under the same title.

June 8th, 2017 screenshot of the Federal government webpage on, "Decisions on the Licensing Framework for Non-Geostationary Satellite Orbit (NGSO) Systems and Clarification of Application Procedures for All Satellite Licence Applications." Screenshot c/o Government of Canada.

• The Federal government has also issued a series of substantial revisions to its satellite licensing rules. 

As outlined on the June 5th, 2017 Federal government webpage under the title, "Decisions on the Licensing Framework for Non-Geostationary Satellite Orbit (NGSO) Systems and Clarification of Application Procedures for All Satellite Licence Applications,"  the new regulations include, "changes to the licensing rules for non-geostationary satellite orbit (NGSO) systems and to the procedures for re-assigning spectrum when satellite spectrum authorizations have been returned or revoked."

The new rules are the result of a unexpected demand for commercial non-geostationary satellite orbit (NGSO) satellites and constellations. As outlined in the November 20th, 2016 post, "SpaceX, Telesat & Kepler Just Three of the Dozen Satellite Constellations Currently on the FCC Table," this evolving market "is expected to generate $175Bln USD ($236Bln CDN) in satellite manufacturing & launch revenues over the next ten years."

The changes are also the result of a consultation process with input from twelve companies and one "coalition" of firms, which began in March 2017. Participants included Boeing, GHGSat, Kepler Communications, Meridian Global/Northpoint, Microsat Systems Canada Inc. (MSCI), NorthStar Aerospace, O3b Networks (O3b), OneWeb, Planet Labs Inc., SpaceX, Telesat Canada (Telesat) and ViaSat Inc.

The "coalition" included Ciel Satellite LP, Meridian Global Connection Inc., Northpoint Spectrum Development, Parscom Management, and WorldVu Satellites Limited/OneWeb.

An existing moratorium on commercial NGSO satellite applications will be lifted at 08:00 ET on June 26th, 2017 and new applications will be treated in the order in which they are received. 

The Federal government will hold an information session on the changes on June 12th.

For more, check out our upcoming stories in the Commercial Space blog.

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Henry Stewart is the pseudonym of a Toronto based aerospace writer.

China's "Propellantless" Future & Five Year Space Plan

          By Brian Orlotti

Over the holiday period, China made two major announcements that signal the increasing ambitions of its space program. These announcements include explorations that will equal those of Western and Russian space programs plus an aggressive pursuit of technology that could place China ahead of both.

As outlined in the September 20th, 2016 Popular Science post, "China's Race to Space Domination," the Chinese government "is well on its way to becoming a space superpower—and maybe even a dominant one." A successful space program is perceived as being a leading indicator of  Chinese "great power status." Graphic c/o Popular Science.  

First of all, as outlined in the December 13th, 2016 International Business Times post, "EmDrive: Chinese space agency to put controversial tech onto satellites 'as soon as possible'," the Chinese National Space Administration (CNSA) officially confirmed that it has been funding research into the controversial EmDrive radio frequency (RF) resonant cavity thruster and planned to incorporate it into Chinese satellites in the near future.

In addition, the article claimed to have an anonymous Chinese source who has stated that China has conducted testing of an EmDrive onboard its Tiangong-2 space station over the past few months.

CNSA’s announcement was followed a few days later by a press conference held by the China Academy of Space Technology (CAST) that discussed China’s EmDrive development efforts. The article also quoted Li Feng,  the chief designer of CAST’s communications satellite division, who stated that CAST’s EmDrive currently only produces millinewtons of thrust (on par with NASA's similar EagleWorks’ device) and that further work is needed to bring it up to a functional level of between 100 millinewtons and 1 newton.

Apple software engineer and "astronogamer," Scott Manley discussed the EmDrive in this November 20th, 2016 You-Tube post, "What is the EM Drive? And Does it Really Work?" As outlined in the December 28th, 2016 Next Big Future post, "Jerry Pournelle talks about China's orbital tests of the EMDrive as a bigger than Sputnik moment," Manley is not the only "popularizer" of science to take a recent interest in the EmDrive. However, as outlined in the January 3rd, 2017 Next Big Future post, "EMdrive ground experiments need more rigor or someone can pay for conclusive work in space," most western scientists advocate an extremely cautious approach to assessing EmDrive claims. Screenshot c/o You-Tube.

Although skeptics would argue that the secretive nature of China’s space program casts doubt on these announcements, logic would dictate that negative results would simply go unreported. China would ultimately have little to gain by fabricating an EmDrive success.

In contrast, Western EmDrive efforts remain small-scale and scattershot. Hampered by lack of political support and at times vicious opposition from academia, the only planned EmDrive deployment comes not from NASA but from a small startup.

This company, Theseus Space Inc., was founded in 2016 by Guido Fetta, inventor of the Cannae Drive, an EMDrive offshoot.

Currently fundraising, Theseus has announced no launch date.

The December 27th, 2016 white paper, "China's Space Activities in 2016," which includes a listing of major developments since 2011, major tasks expected to be accomplished in the next five years and policies and measures needed to support future development. Screenshot c/o CNSA.

In parallel with its EmDrive announcements, China has also released a white paper outlining its space policy for the next five years. It highlights include:

• The construction of a permanent space station. 

• A Lunar sample return mission.

• The launch of China’s first Mars orbiter and lander by 2020.

• Research and development work on a heavy-lift launcher, reusable boosters and satellite servicing systems.

• Expanded international cooperation in areas including remote sensing, lunar and planetary exploration, and human spaceflight.

As outlined in the December 29th, 2016 Parabolic Arc post, "China Space Program White Paper Outlines Lunar & Mars Missions," the white paper provides "a comprehensive overview of the country’s plans for the next five years."

Western ridicule of foreign technology is nothing new. Prior to the Japanese onslaught in the Pacific campaign of World War II, Westerners dismissed Japan as technologically backward, capable only of crude reverse-engineering. Prior to Sputnik, Russia was also perceived of as backward vis-a-vis the West.

China’s space program, also dismissed as inferior, now appears to be making its big push.

The large scale deployment of EmDrive could prove another "Sputnik moment;" an unpleasant shock to a divided and troubled Western world. Such shocks have, in the past, spurred the West to refocus and redouble its efforts.

It remains to be seen whether our generation can do the same.

Brian Orlotti.

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Brian Orlotti is a regular contributor to the Commercial Space blog.